Aging
Rituals
There are multiple milestones that
humans must inevitably pass through during their lives. Some commonly observed
rites of passage are, “Christenings, puberty rituals, marriages, and funerals,
which we hold whenever a member of society undergoes an important change in
status within the lifecycle of the group” (Crapo, 2013, section 6.4, para. 2).
Some cultures celebrate a baby’s first steps, losing one’s first tooth, or
birthdays. As a child advances towards adulthood a Bar Mitzvah, Quinceanera, or
Sweet 16 celebration may be held. Adulthood may include marriage ceremonies,
festivities that mark the end of high school or continued education, or
celebrations surrounding the birth of one’s child. These rites of passage
provide transitions throughout life, and some cultures have customs to help one
transition to death and the afterlife.
Cultural views towards aging
and death vary, and as life-expectancy increases worldwide, values within
a culture continue to evolve. As one study points out, “People are living longer,
and, with the extended life course, new rituals are emerging to make sense and
order this stage of life. These emerging rituals…create new categories for
understanding experience and suggest new opportunities in later life” (Briller
& Sankar, 2011, p. 7-.8). Nacirema and Japanese have different
attitudes towards aging. Through an etic perspective, one can see that
the Nacirema have many rituals to reverse the effects of aging, while an emic
point-of-view of the Japanese indicates how the culture embraces aging. By
comparing both cultures, one can better understand the obstacles faced by the
elderly and find ways to address their social needs.
Part I
An etic analysis allows an outsider
to describe a cultures behaviors, traditions, and values from an unbiased perspective
(Crapo, 2013). Observing and reporting without bias and judgment provides
the most unadulterated account of culture. Miner provides an excellent model of
the etic perspective in his article Body Ritual among the Nacirema, wherein
he addresses some everyday habits of the Nacirema. From the perspective of an
observer, Miner describes American routines such as teeth-cleaning, going to
the hospital, and using the lavatory as magical, an exorcism, or witchcraft
(Miner, 1956). Miner (1956) concludes, “Our review of the ritual life of the
Nacirema has certainly shown them to be a magic-ridden people. It is hard to
understand how they have managed to exist so long under the burdens which they
have imposed upon themselves”(para. 20). As a fellow Nacirema the importance of
dental hygiene and routine health check-ups is understood, but an emic
perspective may overlook these practices as trivial. An etic viewpoint provides
a surface overview that can uncover commonality of values and customs of the
Nacirema.
Rites of passage ease humans through
changes in their lives. The Nacirema have many rituals from birth to
adulthood. While individuals are traditionally honored annually on the
date of their birth, most rites of passage occur before the age of
sixty-five. On a Nacirema’s sixty-fifth birthday, the individual is
deemed no longer suitable for employment and dismissed from their jobs.
Life satisfaction for the elderly depends significantly on one’s physical health, financial stability, emotional support, and having meaning to one’s
life (Hitti, 2007). As of 2017, the average life expectancy in the United
States is 78.9 years of age. In 1970, the average was around 68 (Arias, Heron,
& Xu, 2017, p. 4). The Nacirema call this “the Golden Years,” which genuinely
sound like magical years.
As one ages skin loses elasticity,
hair follicles stop producing hair or produce hair that lacks pigment, and body
parts begin to wear out. The aging process naturally occurs, but for the Nacirema
youth and beauty are the cultural standard, and one’s social worth ties into
the ability to maintain a youthful appearance (Clark, 2013). The Nacirema have
thousands of products available to prevent and hide all-natural signs of aging.
There are magical creams that promise to vanish wrinkles and blemishes, and
colorants to hide grey hair. The Nacirema spent an estimated 114 billion
dollars on these anti-aging products in 2015 (Nelson, 2016). Others may choose
to undergo painful surgeries that stretch, remove, or laser the skin. In addition,
the Nacirema try diets, exercise routines, tanning of the skin, medications and
vitamins to maintain health, which is synonymous with youth (Clarke,
2017). The Nacirema spend a lot of time and money to maintain youthfulness.
Not only do the Nacirema worship
youthfulness, but they also joke about aging. Nacirema who have aged are not
protected from social scorn nor are specific ailments associated with
aging. Birthday cards are presented to the elderly that satirize,
“Physical markers of advanced age such as bodily sagging, wrinkles, dementia,
incontinence, and erectile dysfunction are commonly assumed to be funny and
harmless” (Clark, 2017, p. 106). The language inside the cards contain
either a printed or handwritten message stating, “I’m sorry to hear you are
another year older” (Nelson, 2016, p. 192). The birthday cards often reference
a hill the Nacirema must one day traverse. Upon one’s fortieth birthday, or
when physical signs of aging become apparent, the Nacirema must climb to the
top of a hill and then descend the other side. Even though the individual
is still mentally, physically, and intellectually the same, this does not
prevent a diminished social status. Despite efforts to stay forever young,
aging is inevitable and those who show signs of aging are outcast (Holstein,
2017). The Nacirema climbs down the hill a less valuable member of
society. This ritual is kept private. When asked, most Nacirema do not
know the location of this hill.
Despite efforts to maintain youth,
aging is inevitable and those Nacirema who show signs of aging are outcast
(Holstein, 2017). The elderly seem to disappear from society. Television and
movies are a popular source of entertainment for the Nacirema, but elderly
actors are rarely represented (Nelson, 2016). When the media features the
elderly, the characters are limited to an unfair stereotype such as a frail
grandparent or an advertisement for products designed for aging ailments. Even
in children’s literature the elderly are portrayed as, “Invariably
without power, agency, and was diminished on a number of dimensions” (Nelson,
2016, p. 194). The general attitude towards aging seemingly contradicts the
reality. By observing the elderly member, one can see that some individuals
experience ailments that diminish their capacities, but most Nacirema maintain
the same mental and physical abilities beyond the age of sixty-five. One
example is Bill Burke who developed an interest in hiking after retirement. At
age sixty he successfully climbed Mount McKinley and at sixty-seven Burke became
the oldest Nacirema to climb Mount Everest (Pak, 2009). There is little
evidence to support the underlying values that the elderly are unable to
contribute positively to society.
Part II
The emic perspective allows an observer to attain understanding beyond a
superficial knowledge. An emic analysis, “Portrays a culture and its meanings
as the insider understands it” (Crapo, 2013, section 1.1, para. 12). While an
emic perspective may not set a model for an entire culture, it can provide a
valid account of that member’s experience, which is not attainable through the
etic lens. By viewing Japanese values towards death and aging from Tsuji’s perspective,
one grasps the impact culture has on the elderly and their family members.
The Japanese have various rites of passage which help ease the elderly into
older age. Certain birthdays are considered significant due to how the zodiac
calendar and birthdate coincide such as: Kanreki, (age 60), Koki (70), kiju
(77), sanju (80), beiju (88), sotsuju (90), hakuju (99), jôju (100), chaju
(108), and kôju (111) (Tsuiji,2011). Kanreki is cause for a huge celebration
because as Tsuiji (2011) explains, “In earlier times not
many Japanese lived to reach that age, and because it was an auspicious
occasion when two zodiac signs of his birth year—one in the ten-year cycle and
the other in the twelve-year cycle—converged again. He had completed a full
circle to attain rebirth” (p.28). The Japanese use rituals to revere and
celebrate old age is which eases the elderly into aging and eventually death.
Upon
the nearing death, matsugo no mizu occurs.
Matsugo no mizo is the last rite of
water in which the next of kin places water on the lips of the dying. After
death, the family arranges a wake, funeral, and cremation service for the
deceased. The family receives bones of the relative after cremation. Afterwards
a big feast commences. The death is observed every seven days until the
forty-ninth day. The forty-ninth day after death is particularly special as the
Japanese consider this the final day that the deceased crosses from a state of
limbo in between to the world of the dead. This crossing over is celebrated
with a large feast. Additional celebrations are held one-hundred days after
death, “Then a series of periodic rituals succeeds at the first, third,
seventh, thirteenth, seventeenth, twenty-third, twenty-seventh, thirty-third,
and fiftieth death anniversaries” (Tsuiji, 2011, p. 30) These rituals help the elderly, the
family, and the entire community cope with aging and death.
Deceased family members
remain an integral part of the family
after death. Most often a grandmother, sometimes a grandfather, perform ancestor
rituals which provide a sense of purpose for the elderly. Tsuiji (2011) recounts,
“Every
morning my grandmother would offer tea, flowers, and freshly cooked rice at the
family altar to honor the spirits of our ancestors. It was customary to offer
sweets, snacks, and fruit before our consumption” (p. 29). Children report their grades to
the spirits. The family priest visits the home on the death anniversaries. The families
visit gravesites on major holidays (Tsuiji, 2011). These rituals and reminders
most likely provide comfort to elderly family members because they know they
will not be forgotten after death. These rituals also offer a guide for the
family to follow which helps them cope with death and grieve for the deceased.
Conclusion
Every
year life expectancy continues to increase. Since humans are living longer, it
is essential to consider the growing needs of the elderly. From an etic
perspective, the Nacirema tend to exert a lot of resources to hide, prevent,
and reverse aging. This is due to the high regard placed on youthfulness. Crapo
(2013) acknowledges, “Many of us want
to grow older, but we do not want to grow old. The negative feelings we have
about aging are partly related to our cultural perceptions of the loss of
health and strength that accompany the aging process, as well as the potential
loss of social rank” (Section 6.4, para. 49). Many elderly feel lost within the
culture as younger society deems them frail, incapable, incompetent, unhealthy,
and other generally false stereotypes.
The emic perspective of a Japanese family’s rites of passage
show how the culture maintains a high reverence and respect for the elderly and
death through one individual’s account. The
many Japanese rituals enable the family, the elderly, and the community to view
aging and death in a more positive way. While one cannot that one culture has more
normal framework. The Nacirema seem to discard their elderly members, while the
Japanese include the elderly and deceased in everyday life. Comparing the two cultures’
values allows one to better understand the obstacles that may occur with aging
and what areas support may be necessary.
References
Briller, S.
& Sankar, A. (2011). The changing roles of ritual in later life. Generations Journal of the American Society
on Aging, 35(3), 6-10. Retrieved
from the EBSCOhost database.
Clarke, L.
2013. Facing Age: Growing Older in
Anti-Aging Culture. Retrieved from https://ebookcentral-proquest-com.
Clarke, L.
H. (2017). Women, Aging, and Beauty Culture: Navigating the Social Perils of
Looking Old. Generations, 41(4), 104-108.
Crapo, R. H.
(2013). Cultural anthropology [Electronic version]. Retrieved from https://content.ashford.edu/
Hitti, M.
(2007, May 31). What makes the golden years great?. WebMD. Retrieved from https://www.webmd.com/healthy-aging/news/20070531/what-makes-the-golden-years-great
Holstein, M.
(2017). On being an old woman in contemporary society. Generations, 41 (4),
6-11. Retrieved from the EBSCOhost database.
Miner, H.
(1956). Body ritual among the Nacirema. American
Anthropologist, 58(3), 503–507.
Retrieved from https://www.msu.edu/~jdowell/miner.html
Nelson, T. (2016). The age of ageism. Journal of Social Issues, 72(1),
191-198. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12162
Pak, E. (2009, July 3). Oldest American to scale Mount
Everest recounts climb. TDN.com.
Retreieved from https://tdn.com/lifestyles/oldest-american-to-scale-mount-everest-recounts-climb/article_ef1f1a2c-d70e-54e6-ad94-9054132fa2f2.html
Tsuji, Y. (2011). Rites of passage to death and afterlife in
Japan. Generations Journal of the
American Society on Aging, 35(3),
28-33. Retrieved from the EBSCOhost database.
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